PORCELAIN
AND COCOA: THE PACIFIC RIM AND THE EARLY MODERN WORLD ECONOMY
In
1625, the English Dominican Friar Thomas Gage summed up the state of affairs in
Mexico City, commenting: ÒIt is a
by-word that at Mexico four things are fair; that is to say the women, the
apparel, the horses, and the streets.Ó
Gages comments reflected several undeniable facts noticed by many
observers during the early seventeenth century. The silver boom experienced by both New Spain and Peru had
radically transformed Mexico City and Lima alongside other smaller cities and
towns. For almost one hundred years, the Spanish crown kept its colonies
relatively under its thumb. The
silver boom however, changed such a relationship. While these colonial cities diverted the wealth generated
from silver mines back to Europe, Gage couldnÕt help but notice that much of
this wealth stayed in the Spanish colonies—particularly New SpainÕs
capital, Mexico City. At the
capital, an emerging merchant class, increasingly economically independent of
Spain, began to develop a new sense of itself. While many merchants still held familial ties to the
peninsula, many others identified with Mexican—rather than
Spanish—interests.
In
his account, Gage also pointed out in amazement, Òthe beauty of some of the
coaches of the gentry [exceeds] in cost the best of the Court of Madrid and
other parts of Christendom, for they spare no silverÉnor the best silks from
China to enrich them.Ó This
wealth, created indigenously and relatively free of direct Spanish control,
outstripped Spanish opulence (at least as Gage saw it) and expressed a
distinctive Asian influence. Thus,
Gage observed the display of a new merchant elite informed by the aesthetics of
not only the West—but also the East. As Gage further observed, traces of Chinese goods were
conspicuously displayed everywhere on the street:
Both
men and women are excessive in their apparel, using more silks than stuffs and
cloth. Precious stones and pearls
further much this vain ostentation.
A hat-band and rose made of diamonds in a gentlemanÕs hat is common, and
a hat-band of pearls is ordinary in a tradesman. Nay a blackamoor or tawny young maid and slave will make
hard shift, but will be in fashion with her neck-chain and bracelets of pearl
and her ear-bobs of some considerable jewels.
Gage
even observed the pervasive impacts of non-European styles and sensibilities
among fellow clergy, who drank Òthe Indian drink called chocolateÓ out of
Chinese porcelain cups. Thus,
Asian fashions, alongside New World products and wealth, helped create an
emerging American culture. In
fact, consumption was not only an elite affair, but by the early seventeenth
century permeated every social group in Mexico City. Within fifty years of the inauguration of the Manila Galleon
voyages, Mexico had inserted itself into the world economy. As Gage marveled, Mexican merchants,
priests, and slaves alike already tasted the global flavors yet to be fully
experienced by Europe. Although
officially a colonial arm of Spain, Mexico became one of the engines of the
early modern world economy—increasingly without Spanish financial and
military assistance.
Image
1: Trade between China and Mexico
via the Manila galleons. Source:
George Kuwayama, Chinese Ceramics in
Colonial Mexico. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997.
By
1625, Mexico City had become one of the richest cities in the world. Thanks to the establishment of silver
mines in Peru and Mexico, and direct trade route via Acapulco and Manila,
Mexican merchants quickly rose in power and wealth. As Asian goods like silk, porcelain, and tea, made their way
into the Atlantic World, they also infiltrated Mexican society. Most of these goods moved along
recently established roads emanating in all directions out of Mexico
City—such as the Camino del China and
El Camino Real. Both rare silks and porcelain moved
alongside domestically produced goods as far north as Santa Fe and south as
Guatemala.
Mexican
merchants also re-exported Asian goods to Peru and other points within the
Spanish colonial world. Peruvian
merchants sailed up to Acapulco and traveled overland to Mexico City over the
ÒChina RoadÓ to trade with Mexican merchants both crown-sanctioned and
contraband goods arriving from the China and the Philippines. Within this inter-regional American
network domestic and foreign goods crisscrossed along maritime and overland
routes. At the same time, Spanish
influence continued to assert itself.
European demand for Asian goods increased as silver, silks, and porcelain
made its way to Veracruz and into the Atlantic World. Within a decade, a complex series of global interconnections
rapidly solidified with each annual arrival of the Manila Galleon ported in
Acapulco.
Image
2: Acapulco, 1613. Source: George
Kuwayama, Chinese Ceramics in Colonial
Mexico. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997.
Mexican and Peruvian demand acted as a
ÒsinkÓ for Asian producers equally hungry for New World silver. This vigorous Asian-American trade
couldnÕt be fully monitored or controlled by Spanish or even imperial Chinese
authorities during the height of the first silver boom between the 1570s and
1630s. Indeed, Mexican merchants
and Chinese exporters engaged in a nascent free market trading network despite
the impositions and trading restrictions implemented by imperial and royal
authorities. The enormous influx
of new silver undermined traditional controls and restraints on the movement of
commodities.
This
unprecedented influx of wealth and exchange was clearly evident on the streets
of Mexico City in 1625. Far from a
peripheral region simply providing exports for Spain, Mexico City emerged as a
major player of the global trading network. By the seventeenth century, it
quickly transcended its role as merely a conduit of trade between Asia and
Europe. It became one of the global cities for a brief, shining
moment until the onset of the first silver bust at the end of the 1630s. During this period, Mexican merchants
began to formulate truly American identities. At the same time, distinct American artistic
forms—hybridizing Asian, Mediterranean, and New World styles—began
to flourish in centers like Mexico City and Puebla.
Perhaps
more than any other commodity, the production and consumption of Chinese porcelain
encapsulated new consumption/production patterns, as well as the creation of
new artistic and cultural traditions.
The porcelain trade clearly illustrates is. Other European traders like the Dutch and Portuguese engaged
in extensive porcelain trade with China (and even acted as middlemen
transporting Japanese and Mexican silver). Mexican traders, however, had silver and thus greatly
influenced the production of porcelain.
Scholars
Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez have shown that Chinese demand for silver
ignited the world economy. Yet,
the ÒChina crazeÓ in New Spain and Peru also tugged on ChinaÕs economy as
well. The demands for silver and
porcelain (as well as silk) in Asia and North America fed each other. This frenzied trade loop continued
until the first silver bust in the New World and ousting of the Ming dynasty in
1644. Indeed, many historians have
made the link between the silver bust and Ming disintegration. Yet, none have looked at the Mexican
consumption side of the equation.
No study has revisited GageÕs observations that marveled at Mexico
CityÕs sense of itself and its place in the world. While silver production provides one aspect of GageÕs view
of Mexico, porcelain consumption provides another—perhaps even more
pervasive—part of the story.
Looking at the relationship between porcelain production and consumption
at its height between 1590-1630, this paper will highlight another crucial
piece of the early modern global economy.
While undertaking this social biography of porcelain, I will highlight
its production in Chinese centers like Jingdezhen, consumption by ambitious
Mexican merchants, and influence on emerging artistic traditions at cities like
Puebla. Throughout, I will
emphasize the central role of an autonomous—rather than
colonial—Mexico—in this emerging world economy.
Image
3: Trading Routes in Early Modern
Mexico. Source: George Kuwayama, Chinese
Ceramics in Colonial Mexico. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997.
THE
SOCIAL LIFE OF PORCELAIN
In
his study, ÒThe Pilgrim Art: The
Culture of Porcelain in World History,Ó Robert Finlay highlights the global
dimension of porcelain. As he sees
it, the foundations of porcelain trade reach back millennia shortly after its
inception during the Yuan dynasty.
More importantly, Finlay argues that porcelain acted as the first true
manifestation of a global culture:
Òporcelain and its imitations provide the first and most widespread
material evidence for sustained cultural encounters on an ecumenical scale,
perhaps even for intimations of truly global cultureÓ (p. 187). Finlay traces not only European desires
for porcelain, but west Asian and Middle Eastern appeal as well. Yet, while Finlay covers the globe, he
fails to distinguish New Spain and Peru from Spain. Separating the desires and consumption patterns of the
colonies from the metropole supports FinlayÕs argument while further
complicating the world historical picture.
Even
before Spain began to trade directly with China, though, porcelain production
situated itself within a vast international trading diaspora. The Jingdezhen region had long
dominated porcelain production since the Song dynasty. They owed their success, in part, to
the application of kaolin to their local aluminum oxide-deprived deposits of
china-stone—thus resulting in brilliant white porcelain pottery. By the Mongol period, Jingdezhen
potters produced bulk export porcelain for Middle Eastern markets more than
4,000 miles to the west. These
consumers demanded what would become a trademark style for the next three
hundred years—blue and white porcelain. Production expanded profitably over the next two
centuries. As demand increased
during the Ming period, Jingdezhen served as the largest industrial operation
in the world. Indeed, as European
demand increased the intensity of production by the sixteenth century,
porcelain accounted for 70,000 workers operating over 1,000 kilns. This assembly-line operation also
created small cities that housed employees. A later Qing account of a Jingdezhen porcelain factory
remarked at the growth of the town, Òthese rolls show that the town extends ten
ÔliÕ from north to south and ten from east to west. Its pottery business gives occupation to a thousand
houses. Its population is a
mixture drawn from all quarters of the compass, good and bad dwelling side by
side.Ó[1]
At
these massive industrial centers, blue and white porcelain—a style
frowned upon by Chinese domestic consumers but highly prized everywhere
else—became the primary export as well as most-produced commodity. Additionally, the types of ceramics
fulfilled the needs and wishes of outsiders—not the Chinese. Wine jars, utensils, large dishes,
basins, vases all catered to foreign markets.
While
foreign demand kept Jingdezhen operating, another foreign influx—
silver—helped to create a porcelain work force. The decision during the Ming to adopt a silver-based economy
dramatically re-shaped the Chinese and global market. Without the influx of New World silver, the expansion of the
porcelain industry might not have occurred. In other words, New World silver created mass-produced blue
and white porcelain, which fed the aesthetic demands of New World merchants,
artisans, and laborers alike. Not
only did Spanish policy and the Chinese silver sink determine the flow of
global trade, but Mexican consumption patterns and taste also influenced how
things unfolded.
PORCELAIN
AND MEXICO
Along
with the rest of the world, Mexicans greatly desired porcelain and Òall things
Asian.Ó Asian products served
elite consumers. Uniquely situated
at the crossroads of international trade (especially of luxury goods) Mexican
merchants increasingly indulged in elite consumption. Mexico City, however, also served as the crossroads of major
domestic trading routes for both rare and bulk goods. All major commodities produced, raised, or consumed passed
through Mexico City. New World
crops, Old World livestock, and various preciosities from the hinterland (i.e.
turquoise) made its way to the city.
The
same held true for demographic numbers.
By 1634, over 58 percent of New Spain lived in and around the
capital. Thus, most of the
economic activity—both international and domestic—occurred in
Mexico City. A rising merchant class quickly emerged to orchestrate these
activities. The structure of
international commerce within the Pacific Rim particularly became the domain of
a small number of individuals.
During the early 1600s, only 246 merchants invested directly in the
Manila Galleon trade. In contrast
to the Atlantic trading network, these merchants held a more monopolistic grip
over the trade and maintained weaker ties with Spain.
These
merchants also engaged in extensive lending arrangements with local mining
agents and towns. At Manila and Acapulco,
merchants hired trusted allied port officials and inspectors to negotiate
according to the terms of Mexico City.
All of these efforts put merchants based out of Mexico City in frequent
opposition to Spain. The crown,
however, allowed them to continue because of the immense profitability of
silver mining and the Manila Galleon trade (known as the ÒRoyal FifthÓ of
silver). This tension continued
between royal action (which was undertaken in the case of Peru after 1582) and
inaction throughout the period.
Spain imposed restrictions on the number of Galleon voyages (two ships
of 300 tons per year after 1593) only to discover that illegal trade continued
while they lost out on the profits.
Additionally, Spain desperately tried to limit and eventually outlaw
trade between Mexico and Peru.
Like the Galleon trade, Madrid saw unchecked domestic trade as a
threat. The increasingly brisk
trade in Chinese goods further threatened Spain. Lima held an insatiable demand for luxury goods and cheaper
porcelain wares. Acapulco and
Mexico City expanded to meet the consumption demands of both colonies. Seville merchants, alarmed at their
quickly slipping trading monopoly, ultimately convinced the crown to prohibit
inter-colonial trade in 1631. The
Manila Galleon trade served somewhat as an economic addiction for Spain. Yet Mexicans merchants also
increasingly relied on the material goods flooding Mexico. As Mexicans increasingly donned silks
and other textiles, porcelain rapidly spread among both the elite and
commoners.
Image
4: Porcelain chards from Manila
Galeon. Source: George Kuwayama, Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Mexico. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997.
The
types of porcelain pottery, peculiar by Chinese standards but nonetheless demanded
by Mexican merchants in Manila, filled several distinctly New World
tastes. First, since the Manila
route served as one of the longest voyages without portage in the world, water
and adequate supplies for the months long journey became a central concern. Thus, extremely large vessels used to
trap rainwater on the shipÕs deck became one of the distinctive features of
exported Chinese porcelain. These
surviving giant-sized vessels serve as clear reminders of the importance of the
Manila trade. These vessels,
primarily obsolete and of little practical use, became ornaments for wealthy
merchants. Secondly, porcelain
served as ballast protecting silks and more perishable commodities on board the
Manila Galleons. Since large
amounts of porcelain also assisted in weighing down returning ships, it also
came over to Mexico in large quantities—and thus further stimulated
Chinese production. By 1574, one
galleon headed to Mexico contained an average of 22 thousand pieces of
porcelain (as compared to 700 pieces of silk and 500 marcos of gold). Within a decade, a Mexican ÒtasteÓ for
porcelain grew alongside its newly discovered wealth and eating patterns. By the late 1500s, Mexicans regularly
engaged in a practice inherited from Aztec elites—drinking hot chocolate. Like Aztec aristocrats, Mexican elites
drank from coconut shells with silver mounts, called mancerina. As the
Manila trade became regularized, Chinese potters in Jingdezhen crafted
porcelain mancerinas to fit the
export niche demanded by Mexico.
Image
5: Mancerina. Source: George Kuwayama, Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Mexico. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1997.
Mass
export production of Chinese porcelain expanded as long as silver continued to
flow. By the1640s, though, Mexican
silver mines exhausted themselves, and a global contraction occurred for
several decades until the next silver boom and explosion of sugar production
occurred. In the absence of
porcelain, artists and potters in ceramic centers like Puebla began to cater to
the elite tastes in Asian wares and styles. Puebla always served as a ceramic center since pre-contact
times. Situated nearby suitable
clay deposits and between Acapulco and Veracruz, Puebla potters quickly
incorporated Jingdezhen styles—such as transparent and white glazes and
overglaze enamels—into their domestic craft. While the Puebla pottery industry couldnÕt compete with the
enormous wave of imported Chinese porcelain between 1590-1630, they quickly
filled the void left by the slowdown in the Manila trade. Previously, Puebla potters incorporated
indigenous Mexican styles with new technology and styles brought from Seville
(which were in itself Iberio-Islamic).
This style, known as majolica,
now incorporated Chinese techniques and styles. As a 1653 Puebla pottery guild regulation demanded: ÒIn making the fine wares the coloring
should be in imitation of the Chinese ware, very blue, finished in the same
style and with relief work in blue, and on this style of pottery there should
be painted black dots and ground colors.Ó[2] Pueblan potters created their own version of the
Chinese porcelain cup, the pocillo,
for the consumption of hot chocolate.
Similarly, they created oversize tibors
that complemented the oversized vessels arriving from China in earlier
decades. Although Puebla potters
strove to incorporate Chinese porcelain influences into their ceramics, a
uniquely Mexican artistic tradition gradually coalesced as a continual stream
of Asian influences (and relative freedom from European artistic traditions)
made their way through Puebla on what became known as the ÒChina Road.Ó As innumerable Mexican miners
sacrificed their lives to produce fabulous wealth for elites and Chinese
consumers, artists like the Puebla potters organized themselves as a skilled
workforce to generate new types of consumer goods. Thus, the push and pull of Chinese porcelain and New World
silver helped to create one of the most enduring artistic forms emerging in
Mexico—the ceramic tradition.
Image
6: Puebla tile of Mancinera and Cocoa tray. Source: Robin Gain, Donna Pierce, and Alfonso Pleguezuelo, Ceramicay Cultura: The Story of Spanish and Mexican Mayolica (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003).
While
merchants and elites demanded niche items suited to particular tastes, blue and
white porcelain made its way into Mexico to fill the daily needs of its
citizens. Porcelain served as fine
ware and humble coins. Shattered
porcelain chards, accumulating on the ships of yearly Galleon voyages, proliferated
in the cities and countryside.
Called chinitas, these chards
acted as small coinage for daily transactions.
To understand the widespread usage of chinitas, it is important to highlight
Mexican trading routes, roads, and distribution centers associated with Chinese
porcelain. As mentioned above, all
routes, towns, and ports connected with Mexico City and therefore with
porcelain and the Manila trade. By
1600, the once-isolated and sleepy town of Acapulco periodically became a
boomtown with each arriving Galleon.
Chosen
for its deep harbor, Acapulco quickly became the only Manila Galleon
harbor. Acapulco, though, never
rose in power as a regional center.
The economic, cultural, and political tug of Mexico City proved too
great, and Acapulco merely swelled and retracted with the yearly galleons. While it didnÕt achieve the greatness
of Mexico City, it did become the yearly destination for a motley gathering of
all classes of people. Once a
courier announced the arrival of an incoming ship, thousands of artisans,
merchants, and peddlers flooded the ÒChina RoadÓ connecting Mexico City with
Acapulco. All strata of
society—from kingÕs officials and soldiers to Indian hucksters and
muleteers—mingled on the road and in Acapulco. Along this road inns and hostels accommodated weary
travelers making their way along the 60-mile road. Next to Mexican pesos, chinitas
served as a common currency—especially along the ÒChina Road.Ó Thus, the yearly arrival of the Manila
Galleons served as a cultural event that linked disparate segments of Mexican
society through the influx of Asian goods.
China
and Porcelain
Large porcelain
pottery factories sprouted up in Jingdezhen before increased Mexican and
European demand. However, the Latin American arrival in the Pacific marked a
new era of porcelain production.
At the palace factory, no less than twenty-three jobs associated with
porcelain manufacturing existed.
Not simply a small operation of artisan craftsmen, porcelain production
now entailed stampers, carvers, drawers, iron-workers, lacquerers, as well as
food preparers catering to the many employees at the factory. How-to manuals
for decorations as well as specialists associated with Kuan-Ku (official-old),
Shang-ku (superior-old), ChÕang-ku (ordinary-old), foreign, and myriad other
porcelain styles provided guidelines for assembly-line production. Hundreds of types of wares could be
produced by request in accordance with illustrated catalogs. Silver and demand from Mexico and Peru
pushed much of this production, although with imperial controls firmly in place
over factories.
Image
7: Chocolate storage jar, Puebla,
17th century. Source:
Robin Gain, Donna Pierce, and Alfonso Pleguezuelo, Ceramicay Cultura: The
Story of Spanish and Mexican Mayolica (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003).
The
silver boom, however, didnÕt last.
Along with the Ming dynasty, porcelain producers in the Jingdezhen kilns
faced a potential crisis. By the
end of the sixteenth century, silverÕs value began diminishing and the
stability of the Ming dynasty stood in doubt. The reign of the Wanli emperor (1573-1620) further evinced
rising corruption and imperial decadence.
Although Jingdezhen held a firm monopoly of the porcelain trade and
export production, the death of the emperor in 1620 marked the cessation of
imperial patronage of porcelain production. With the decline of silver value and royal funding, the
continued mass production of porcelain stood in doubt. Fortunately for the Jingdezhen region,
freedom from centralized control paved the way for widely diverse styles and
products.
No
longer restricted by strict controls on styles, and in need of steady patrons,
Jingdezhen potters and merchants began to work more closely with Dutch,
Japanese, and Portuguese traders.
Thus, the artistic styles of porcelain began to dramatically diverge
from earlier styles (although blue and white continued to thrive within the
Atlantic World). Known as the
transitional ceramic period (1620-1683), the porcelain of these chaotic times
stood at odds with earlier and later periods of production as completely new
technical forms emerged to meet the demands of the emerging world market.
Image
: Porcelain Kilns in China. #15 includes the Jingdezhen kilns. Source: Li Zhiyan and Cheng Qinhua, Pottery and Porcelain (Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 2002).
As
China experienced decades of political and economic unrest, export porcelain
appeared to be Òrecession proofÓ—expanding in production to meet the
increasing demand of coffee, tea, and chocolate drinkers across the globe. The first real disruption of Jingdezhen
production, relatively unbroken since the eleventh century, didnÕt occur until
the Manchus sacked the city and burned the kilns in the 1673. Although the establishment of the Qing
brought order to China and facilitated renewed patronage of porcelain
production, Europeans obtained the Chinese secret of porcelain production by
1708 and the earlier dynamic shared between New World silver and Chinese export
porcelain would never replicate itself again.
Chcocolate
Cup, Mexico City. Source: Robin
Gain, Donna Pierce, and Alfonso Pleguezuelo, Ceramicay Cultura: The
Story of Spanish and Mexican Mayolica (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003).
The period between 1590-1630 served
as a unique moment that witnessed the birth of new cultural forms of expression
connected by the emergence of the first global culture. On either side of the Pacific, remarkable
parallels unfolded. In China,
porcelain production increasingly took on industrial characteristics as
factories expanded in size and complexity. Workers moved nearby, forming new neighborhoods plugged into
a new wage-earning economy.
Pegging itself to silver, the Ming dynasty made silver the currency used
to pay wages to porcelain producers.
At
the same time, Peruvian and Mexican silver mines also industrialized on an
unprecedented level. Silver mining
became increasingly mechanistic and efficient (the main difference between
porcelain and silver production, of course, lay in the vastly different working
experiences of the laborers). Like
porcelain production, new techniques (i.e. amalgamation) and technology became
institutionalized to assure the maximum effect. While miners didnÕt necessarily benefit materially from
their labor, citizens of Mexico City and Lima certainly did. Silver exports ensured a wide array of
goods coming in from China. The
conspicuous consumption of Chinese porcelain became a Mexican pastime, not
necessarily a Spanish one since very little porcelain made it to Spain. While Mexico and China reconvened their
economic relationship via silver during the latter half of the seventeenth
century, the years between 1570-1630 marked a unique period of material and
cultural exchange. Indeed, while
silver initiated the first truly global economy, porcelain forged the earliest
inclinations of both a New World identity and a larger global culture.
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